THE
CAMERA OF RESISTANCE
Alex Napier
“
Who stands to gain and who stands to lose…?” (Medha Patkar )
The high dam established its place in the iconography of
technological modernism between the two world wars; its fusion of monumentality,
functional form, and
power (electricity supplanted irrigation in the urban – industrial imagination
) offered emblematic possibilities too obvious to ignore. In the immediate
postwar decades, large-scale, multi-purpose hydro engineering projects were
touted worldwide as vectors of environmental mastery and social progress. The
power dam was not conceived as a discrete entity, but rather as a node in an
extensive, potentially integrated system of throughputs and reciprocal conversions
of water, energy, crop yields, industry, money, which could be quantitatively
modeled and measured (user – fees, acre-feet, kilowatt-hours). It was
precisely this multi-functional technical rationality which excited modernist
admiration.
Today, the shadow-side of such techno-environmental gigantism
and ambitious social engineering has become more visible, the voices of its
casualties and
critics more audible. Unanticipated ecological reactions ad modes of deterioration
mocked the planners’ prospectus, while the hidden social content of high
cost / high risk technostructures – the specific forms of domination
and dependency, enrichment and impoverishment they entail –became blatantly
apparent. We are perhaps now entering the lengthening twilight of the mammoth
hydro-complex; if so, the megadam era is closing with a grandiose flourish
on the Yangtze and Narmada rivers. It is the Narmada Valley, in western India,
which provides the setting for Patwardhan’s most recent documentary.
A Narmada Diary is a ‘sporadic/video-record’ of five years of
popular resistance to the Narmada Valley Development Scheme, a gargantuan hydro-electric
and agro-industrial harnessing of the Narmada river, a project deemed “vital
to India’s prosperity”. This is the largest hydraulic- engineering
plan yet devised (1 super dam, 29 great dams, 135 medium and 3000smaller dams,
vast irrigation /canalization ), embracing 40 million people. Its central hinge
is the Sardar Sarovar high dam in Gujarat, whose headwater reservoir and associated
canalisation will displace over half a million locals – a great swathe
of riparian fishers, farmers, and forest-dwellers, now summoned to “make
a sacrifice for the nation’.
Beginning in December 1990, Dhuru and Patwardhan diarized
the Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save Narmada Movement), a local struggle which
attained global resonance
in 1992-93, precipitating a policy crisis for the World Bank – resolved
only by the termination of its funding, ostensibly at the Indian Government’s
request (India is historically the Bank’s biggest customer!). The subsequent
hunger strikes and voluntary commitments of movement activists to self – sacrificial
drowning in the face of the continuing obduracy of the Indian and state governments
reinforced the image of a powerfully rooted, resourceful and courageous movement.
Through this local case, the participant camera documents the resistance of
the indigenous communities of the rural poor of India to a technocratically
designed, exclusionary, and coercively implemented form of development, which
positions them as objects.
The opening and closing ‘entries’ in the Diary are symmetrical
; official government documentary footage extolling the irresistible benefits
of a hydro – engineered and electrified rural future (“Speed and
Technology”)is counterposed to images of the seemingly timeless harvest
festival of Holi, celebrated in March 1994 at the village of Domkheri, threatened
with imminent submergence by the rising headwaters of the dam. Linear, progressive,
industrial time confronts cyclical, ritual, agrarian time. But in their closing
reprise of the traditional ceremony, Dhuru and Patwardhan let us see what we
can now more fully understand: the body-painted, head – dressed adivasi
dancers confront and burn their demons, singling out the newest, greatest malignity
of all, the Sardar Sarovar dam itself. Their ritual dance is a configuration
of actuality, of living collective experience, open to history. Resistance
has been integrated, innovatively, into the everyday activity, language and
rites of the people of this region – overwhelmingly adivasis long scorned
as ‘tribals’, descendants of the pre Aryan, aboriginal inhabitants
of India. Subjugated, yet not fully assimilated, by Brahminical Hinduism and
caste society, the adivasis now face environmental expropriation. They are
superfluous to the re-engineered social geography of the Narmada valley.
To
both belong to and appropriate this threatened human environment it is essential
to walk. A filigree of tracks and pathways – from home to field,
village to village, hillside to riverbank – orders the nexus of figures
and landscape. We see no one cycling, no bullock carts (indeed, significantly
little livestock other than poultry). Everyone walks everywhere, whether viewed
in silhouette or in depth as individuals, files, or groups, the motif of walking
figures signifies inhabitation of the environment. The film –makers,
like Medha Patkar, the indomitable NBA organizer, have discovered the indispensability
pf tireless engagement in a pedestrian way of life ( low ‘Speed’,
low ‘Technology’ ) as a condition of entry into the rhythms, meanings
and concerns of this world. As we pedestrianise our vision, we reinterpret
the procession and marches in nearby regional towns or in larger cities as
incursion of this rural tempo and motility into the more hectic, accelerated,
industrialized urban space. Even on water, the boatmen walk. The simple punt
is the most common means of transport – though a lyrical intermezzo,
aboard an elegant, low – slung, lateen – rigged skiff, bears us
effortlessly into a suspended, tropical sunset. So accustomed have we become
to the walker’s appropriation of locality that it comes as a shock when,
almost at the end of the film, a chauffeur –driven motorcade draws up
at the dam site to unload a contingent of government, party and business bigwigs,
intent on reinforcing their claim to the place. What could be more fitting
than to commemorate the last rites of Chinanbhai Patel, former Chief Minister
and avatar of Gujarat’s industrialisation, here at this spot and to immerse
his ashes beneath the dam he promoted? As the dignitaries vow to fulfil his
dream, the drivers discreetly guard the vehicles.
Time is not neutral in this conflict. There is a compelling urgently dictated
by a struggle conducted against ongoing dam construction and the consequent
drowning of fields, trees, temples, villages, accented with each successive
monsoon season. Delay and procrastination serve the government. The diary form
acknowledges this reality.
Dhuru and Patwardhan are filming an already solidly established
andolan (movement) :the work of movement – building is not their focus ( there are sidelong
and backward glimpses), nor do they define the movement within a historical
narration. What concerns them most is to capture the idioms, repertoire and
meanings of resistant protest as it is enacted, spoken, sung and danced, individually
and collectively – a political ethnography of insurgency. Scrupulous
attention is paid to the particularities of action and speech – and to
the sensitive membrane joining / separating them. Meetings, marches, evictions,
confrontations with authorities, delegations to the alien city world, celebration
of success, sharings in grief – all are explored in episodes, vignettes,
interviews, composed and edited to release spaces of disclosure, an intimate
microscopy of political struggle.
The NBA originated as an organization to assert the claims of displaces, but
was driven to extend its are of resistance into comprehensive opposition to
the development scheme by a characteristic logic of movement radicalization
: the critical unmasking of official rhetoric and the identification of real
interests. Not only were resettlement and compensation arrangements palpably
defective, but the project was contestable in terms of its economics, social
inequity, environmental impacts, implications for human rights and public health.
Emergent movements are frequently personified. Medha Patkar,
the articulate, impassioned, and dedicated NBA organizer and spokeswoman,
was quickly identified
as the catalyst of radicalization. In Narmada Diary, her intellectual, moral,
and personal strength informs every frame in which she appears. Yet the film – makers
show that these qualities are diffused throughout the movement. Villagers interviewed
after the Kevadia rally (March 1993) demonstrate the sinewy power of situated,
local knowledge, with their succinct resume of the interplay between economic,
political and ecological changes in the Narmada valley (the stuff of several
academic publications is presented in a few pithy observations). A young woman,
volunteering for samarpan (self –immolation in the rising waters), explains
herself with a reasoned dignity, made more memorable as the interview is shot
nocturnally, clandestinely, unlit, while a police crackdown seeks out the activists.
Sonibai and Punya, bereaved parents of Remal Vasave, a teenager shot by police
enforcing a land survey, speak unflinchingly to the camera of their unbroken
commitment to the andolan, as they share a funerary drink, meal and smoke with
friends and relatives. After the meal, Sonibai rises, moves to the open doorway,
shrouding her head and face with her sari – the film cuts to a silent
dam, its sluices closed.
The andolan has deployed the weapons of the weak, notably
an ability to play upon the several registers of protest legitimation which
mark india’s
multi – layered political culture. Utilizing a precarious constitutional
legality, aware of the institutional realities of coercion and corruption,
the NBA has symbolically positioned itself through its highly manifest adherence
to the norm of nonviolence ( the Gandhian filiation vividly imaged in the tying
of protesters’ hands). Self – understanding, solidarity, and determination
are renewed communicatively in a vernacular of music, song, and dance which
accompanies the events of the struggle.
The resistant musicality is seized on by Dhuru and Patwardhan,
integrated into their syntax to orchestrate tempo, rhythm, movement, mood.
The kinetic
synthesis achieved, present throughout the film can be illustrated by one episode
of dynamically fluent camera work and editing :the police operation to evacuate
Manibeli villahe. From the opening shot (police lorries move in ), through
initial compliance (stripped household frames; personal effects stowed for
removal ) – both accompanied by voice –over – we are led
to a pivotal moment of collective defiance. Two musicians emerge from the throng,
sounding a tocsin of resistance: the first, an elderly man, not well fed, straining
backward to offset the weight of a hugely proportioned drum, advances toward
the camera, from mid -shot to close – up, until his instrument almost
fills the frame. An unforgettable image. We then cut in to a carnivalesque
finale of communal overwhelming of police by dancing villagers : the camera
tracks slowly round as it recedes inwards to reveal the rotating circle of
dancers holding hands – at its centre a bemused, captive policeman. The
sequence is resolved with images of re- established bucolic routine (crops,
washing of clothes ). Through the andolan’s mobilization of the plural
idioms of protest – formal and informal, customary and modern, local
and national – adivasi collective identity is both validated and redefined.
What of the movement’s adversaries ? their voicings, gestures, actions
too allowed expressive space. A first spokesman reviews the conflict with patriarchal
sublimity : “a bride cries when going to her husband’s home. The
parents also cry, but they know she must go. It’s natural – once
they are there, they’ll settle down.” Others advance more ‘modern’ tropes
hypostasizing progress and the common good : “There is a compulsion for
development…” “I am a businessman..”(not entirely true,
we find). And, when the gloves are off, a predictably sinister discourse reveals
itself – the same Regional Chief of the Ruling Congress Party whom we
first encounter prating about “development….” (the camera
eloquently panning to disclose the immaculate lawn and villa which are its
fruits), reappears after the ransacking of the NBA offices, his menacing enmity
undisguised : “This dog bites, don’t go near it”. And yet,
despite such moments – including a strangely uncontrolled press conference
with Kamal Nath, Indian Environment Minister, whose weariness and under – briefing
are palpable – we sense that the “ power behind the dam”,
targeted by Medha Patkar, remains elusive, a hydra frustratingly difficult
to grapple with.
The sensibility materialized in this emplaced, participatory
film – making
is profoundly humanist and democratic. Subject – matter, technical means,
aesthetic choices cohere. Take the use of director’s voice – over – non –didactic,
interrogative, pared down, refusing the dissimulations of objectivistic neutrality
and the banalities of indulgent self-referentiality. This is not the voice
of commentary, rather that of communicative action. Similarly, the hand – held
camera (video: circulating medium for contemporary social actors )seeks interactive
relation with its subjects. Whether squatting, sitting, standing, or on the
move, interviewees are engaged as individuals and co – equals. A man
who has lost everything to the rising waters, seen over his shoulder as he
stands beneath a flowering tree, terminates his own interview: “It would
have been better to have died – that is al I have to say”. With
this he walks away, abandoning the frame to the blossoming foliage and the
man-made lake.
The dam is not neglected as a protagonist, appearing at
varying stages of construction. It is seen most usually from above or at
an oblique angle, it’s
verticality and curvilinear monumentality de-emphasised, the image-cliché denied.
Scale is often manipulated by foregrounding of protesters and villagers (though
never the dam workers, who may have been inaccessible to the film-makers).
We view it through perimeter fencing. It’s unseen presence looms. In
one powerful interview with displaces, filmed under an overcast sky, we hear
the sound of distant thunder. As we listen more attentively to the persistent
rumbling, a disturbing suspicion dawns: not monsoon thunder, but the steady
roar of the dam water is providing a sonic commentary on these accounts of
expulsion.
These figurations of the dam prompt reconsideration of
the opposing documentary interests and styles on display in Narmada Diary.
In the Indian Government
footage (from A Village Smiles etc.), the large-scale hydro-engineering project
is represented as a gift from government to people, the dam, power-line, and
irrigation canal as unambiguous, universal vectors of a better life. Even those
up rooted and resettled can expect benefits. “how fertile this land is
in Gujarat’s Hareswar!”, intones the government spokeswoman before
her uneasy, intimidted audience of displaces. “Very fertile!”,
the echo comes back. “Father Chandrya, are you sorry to shift?” – “No,
No!”. A triangular positioning is set up between Sardar Sarovar,s (a
fetish-form of ineluctable progress), the Government (initiates, guardians,
and administrators of the fetish’s powers), and a recipient total population.
This regime-documentary style, a late offspring of the ‘pylon aesthetics’ films
of the 30s and 40s, is indentured to the same technological romanticism, which
elides environmental mastery with social liberation. Its rhetoric of reconciliation
is designed to mediate reception of Sardar Sarovar’s awesome scale and
generative productivity by interpteting them into the register of typified,
individual ‘human experience’. Emotionalised monumentality remains
integral to this rhetoric.
Dhuru and Patwardhan’s mobile. ‘barefoot’ camera de-centres
and desublimates the dam, questions its promises – “PLANNED ECOLOGICAL
HARMONY AMONGST MEN, WATER, LAND, AND VEGETATION” proclaims a dam site
signboard –through the discordant, oppositional presence of the NBA.
The Andolan’s refusal of recipient subjection exposes the megadam – fetish
and its minions to profane interrogation. As we watch, listen, and mentally
assemble the materials of the Narmada Diary, a sophisticated political ecology
of the mammoth hydro-complex is thematized: a critical knowledge, whether spoken
in everyday demotic or the technical vocabulary of submissions to Government,
the Supreme Court, or World Bank. Not “harmony”, but social polarization
and hazardous ecological destabilization are imprinted into Sardar Sarovar’s
gigantism. “Before Sardar Sarovar our hills had no roads. This year the
roads came and forests were cut down. Now it’ll be hotter, illness will
spread”. “You can’t eat or drink electricity….” Agro
industrial recomposition of the countryside and swelling urbanisation –“sugarcane
fields and flush toilets in the cities”, as Medha Patkar observes – will
offer little comfort to the rural poor. Government research studies, implementation
procedures, and bureaucratic carapacing ate probed. Cumulatively, Sardar Sarovar
is demystified not only as environmental, but also political, technology.
In choosing to follow the NBA’s critical resistance to Sardar Sarovar,
Dhuru and Patwardhan are not concerned merely with the outcome of a particular
contest over the uses of the Narmada river, nor even with the wider issue of
the social ecology of capital-intensive development. They are engaging with
India’s stereotypes of collective identity and social relations; sedimented
mythic, epic, religious and political constructions of purity, hierarchy, difference,
otherness. One disdainful shrug of the shoulder in a Bombay hotel lobby can
convey the actuality of encoded social distance. The incident, trivial in itself,
occurs in an episode of grotesque incongruities and futile pursuit. NBA delegates
seeking an interview with Lewis Preston, the World Bank Director, on a visit
to India in the wake of the funding crisis, track him down to a fashion show
apparently laid on in his and Mrs. Preston’s honour. Demanding admittance,
the andolan’s representatives find their way barred by an immaculately
coiffured, silk-suited dandy, whose veneer of urbane sophistication crumbles
in the mere proximity of these rustic adivasis. He turns on his heels, breaking
off contact – Duhru and Patwardhan accept the gift, focus their camera
on the impeccably cut shoulder-line and trouser length of the receding suit.
While the delegates fail to corner Preston, they so catch a phantasmagoric
glimpse of Bombay’s top models doing their bit for India;s fashion industry.
Patwardhan’s work to date seems to pursue a circuitous yet consistent
exploration of the varieties and perplexities of political subjectivity and
identity in contemporary India. The ‘tribal’ identities – as
India’s conquered, subordinated, backward ‘others’- are now
being contested by adivasis themselves, their histories recovered, their self-understandings
and claims redefined. Adivasis are not lining fossils, nor ethnic curios, but
contemporary social actors who can contribute greatly to the democratizing
forces in Indian public life.
In today’s grand masque of resistance, there are many dancers. But autonomous
movements expressing the needs of hitherto despised, marginalized, or oppressed
social groups, their interests in recognition and social justice, can still
be distinguished from coalitions of ressentiment and spurious victimhood. There
are ‘identities’ and ‘identities’….. The NBA,in
its site-specific resistance, has confronted the technologies of power in India – from
the power – dam, which will not benefit them, to the “power behind
the dam”, those organized to command technologically transformed nature.
Alternative – equitable and sustainable – relations in society.
At a time when both languages and agencies of emancipatory politics are so
contested, so fractured, the modesty of the observant witness may be this documentary’s
subtlest gesture.
Reproduced from PIX 2, Distributed by British Film Institute
(BFI). Published and Edited by
Ilona Halberstadt, January 1997